By the start of 1850 Congress had failed to provide any formal civil
government to any part of the new Mexican Cession because sectional
wrangling over the divisive Wilmot Proviso had blocked any action. Yet by
1850 congressional action was necessary for several reasons. Over one
hundred thousand people had poured into California during the famous Gold
Rush of 1849, and some kind of government had to be established for it. In
addition, there was an increasingly dangerous quarrel over the boundary
between Texas and New Mexico. Texas claimed all the land east of the Rio
Grande, including Santa Fe, but its residents and US troops stationed there
contended that New Mexico extended eastward almost to San Antonio. By
June of 1850, indeed, there was a real possibility of a military clash between
Texas militia and US troops over Santa Fe. In addition, by early 1850 some
Southerners were clamoring for a more effective federal fugitive slave law
while many northern congressmen resurrected a demand that public slave
sales in the District of Columbia be banished.
Ignoring these latter two issues, Whig President Zachary Taylor's solution for
the Mexican Cession was to skip a formal territorial stage to which the
Wilmot Proviso might be applied and admit the entire area as two new free
states — New Mexico and California, which he hoped would encompass the
Mormons around Salt Lake. Once New Mexico became a state, Taylor
argued, the Supreme Court could adjust the boundary between it and Texas.
Taylor's proposal lacked sufficient support to pass either house of Congress,
so Congress itself, much to Taylor's anger, devised a legislative package to
resolve the sectional disputes. Famous ever after as the Compromise of
1850, this package is usually associated with resolutions proposed by
Kentucky's Whig Senator Henry Clay in late January 1850. But Clay's
original proposals garnered even less support than Taylor's had, and
Democrats who controlled both chambers of Congress actually proved to be
the pivotal players in shaping and passing the Compromise of 1850 eight
months after Clay first spoke. In its final form the package of laws that
constituted the Compromise of 1850 did the following. California with its
modern boundaries was admitted as a free state. The remainder of the
Mexican Cession was organized into two territories — New Mexico and
Utah — on the basis of popular sovereignty. The Texas/New Mexico border
was adjusted to its modern shape, and Texas was reimbursed by the United
States for giving up its claims by a payment of $10 million, half of which was
reserved to pay off Texas's bonded indebtedness. Public slave sales in the
District of Columbia were forbidden. And a far more rigorous Fugitive Slave
Act, that would require northern citizens to become slave-catchers, was
passed.
Neither partisan nor sectional lines appeared on the votes on these measures.
Instead the Compromise's supporters consisted primarily of northern
Democrats and southern Whigs, while its foes consisted almost exclusively of
northern Whigs and southern Democrats, each of whom complained that the
Compromise gave the other section too many concessions. Nor would the
Compromise ever have passed Congress had not Taylor died on July 9 and
the new Whig President Millard Fillmore thrown the weight of his
administration behind it. However contentious the struggle in Congress had
been, by 1852 both Whigs and Democrats endorsed the Compromise as a
final settlement of all Slave questions, and by then most Americans believed
that the sectional conflict over slavery extension was a thing of the past.